I understand that my recommendation for the army to release Mr Malick Jatta, Mr Omar Jallow, and Mr Amadou Badjie, three members of the “Junglers” Patrol Team who testified at the TRRC, has evoked strong emotions among some victims and concerned members of the public.
This reaction is quite understandable especially given the revelations the three menhave made at the TRRC about some of their activities under former President Jammeh.
Let me clarify from the onset, that the recommendation to release the three men is not an amnesty as some claim. That is totally false. It is only the TRRC that can recommend amnesty in appropriate cases. At this point, the objective of the release is to put the three men in a similar situation as those who have appeared at the TRRC and admitted to participating in human rights violations and abuses. As you well know, none of them is currently in custody and rightly so. The TRRC is not a court of law and one of its primary objectives is to establish the truth in exchange for amnesty and the promotion of healing and national reconciliation.
While we all agree that the “Junglers” are a special category of alleged perpetrators, reason they have been the only ones in custody all this time, we cannot also afford to treat similarly situated persons differently. We cannot treat one group of confessed perpetrators any different from another group. All those who assist the TRRC to establish the truth shall and should be treated the same way.
Neither can we charge anyone including the three men with any crimes at this moment because the TRRC has been mandated to identify for prosecution only those who bear the greatest responsibility for the human rights violations and abuses. There are other people out there who may bear the greatest responsibility for these human rights violations and abuses and the decision about who to prosecute will depend on the recommendationsof the TRRC based on a totality of all the facts and evidence adduced before it.
We cannot therefore pre-empt the work of the TRRC by taking action against anyone at this stage. So let us suspend judgment and give truth a chance because without the whole truth, we will not achieve our immediate and long term objectives of forgiveness, reconciliation and accountability.
The decision to recommend the release of the three men, who have been in custody for over two and half years now, has not been an easy one for me especially considering the victims and their mourning families. But I cannot shy away from making decisions because they may be unpopular.
I have a responsibility that compels me to consider all relevant factors in making decisions. On this occasion, I have come to the conclusion that it is in the best interest of our country and the victims to release the three men after their testimonies at the TRRC.
Let us just pause for a moment and think about this: without the revelations by these three men, we probably would never have established the facts about which they testified on a first-hand account basis.
We would have continued to rely on second hand or even third hand accounts. These three men have so far provided us with the most chilling details about several incidentsunder former President Jammeh. They were encouraged to assist this country, particularly the victims’ families, find answers that have eluded us for many years, and they voluntarily did so. There are others in detention who are still refusing to assist us establish the truth and it will be unwise to treat those who have assisted us the same way. The cooperation of these three men has been very critical to the TRRC processand this should be recognized.
What we must not do is to scare people away from telling the truth because that will not be in anyone’s interest. There are still many truths out there that need to be told, and they need to be told for several reasons including to enable the victims find closure, and to negate revisionism by laying bare all the facts for the world to see especially those in this country who continue to mock at the victims through their constant denial of the occurrence of these atrocities in our country under former President Jammeh.
To quote the Chairman of the TRRC in his statement earlier today, “only the truth can help us move forward as a nation”. That is why it is important to encourage truth-telling in this process by recognizing the efforts of those who tell the truth. Anything else will send the wrong signal to other perpetrators that they are doomed either way-whether or not they tell the truth. This perception will inevitably lead to a loss of trust in the process and with it the incentive to tell the truth.
Sometimes, this will entail making very difficult decisions, but if I believe strongly that mydecision will assist in achieving our truth-telling objective, I will not hesitate to make that decision. It comes with the burden of responsibility that I carry as the person leading our national efforts to find the truth about our past in order to prevent a recurrence in the future.
I therefore continue to count on the understanding of the public and especially the victims. We need your continued trust and partnership in this process if we are to learn from the mistakes of others and make a success of our truth commission. And so far, we have been able to successfully navigate through our own challenges by making the right strategic decisions at the right times.
To the victims and their families, in particular, I know that this may be extremely difficult for you as I am asking you to swallow a bitter pill.But I assure you, like I have done on many previous occasions, that the decision to release these three men is also in your long term interests. I have consistently acted in your best interests and there is no reason to doubt my continued commitment to your cause.
We have come a long way together and we must continue to push on. Let us make every effort to establish the truth about all the victims and not just some. Every victim family deserves to know the truth about their loved ones. My goal is to establish the truth about every death, every torture, and every disappearance, and all my efforts, including the release of the three men, are geared towards achieving that objective.
Forgiveness and reconciliation in exchange for the truth lies at the heart of truth commission processes everywhere around the world and ours cannot be an exception. We have set in motion a credible fact-finding process in the TRRC so let us be guided by its recommendations.
This is perhaps one of the most difficult decisions I have had to make but there is more at stake here. The three men have now been in custody without trial for over two and half years. It is also my responsibility to remedy that situation.
We must always remember that in our quest for justice, we must also not perpetrate or perpetuate injustice even if that is the popular thing to do. We must endeavor to respect the rights of all persons no matter how repulsive we feel about their conduct. We must not do to others acts which we have ourselves condemned in the past.
Otherwise, I will be abdicating my responsibility as Minister of Justice for all Gambians and not just some. Keeping the three men in custody, like we have done over the past two and half years, would have been the easiest option but that too has serious implications for our new Gambia not least because they are being detained for this period without trial.
Finally, allow me to take this opportunity to advise those who continue to make public utterances that hurt and cause more pain to the victims and their families. It is an irresponsible attitude and betrays a lack of sensitivity to the plight and suffering of the victims. Moreover, it has the potential to undermine our efforts at national reconciliation.
National reconciliation cannot be done without victims satisfaction of the outcome of the justice. It is not easy to get this guys off the hook, lives has been lost and families in pain.
Rather apologetic excuse. The Junglers should have faced criminal justice since 2 years ago. Many of them have already voluntarily pleaded guilty to the crimes and the 3 have already shown willingness to accept the penalty for the offenses they have committed.
Quotes:
1. “We must always remember that in our quest for justice, we must also not perpetrate or perpetuate injustice even if that is the popular thing to do. We must endeavor to respect the rights of all persons no matter how repulsive we feel about their conduct. We must not do to others acts which we have ourselves condemned in the past.”
Given that the Minister has assured us that he has not granted AMNESTY but merely recommended the release of these individuals from what seems to be indefinite detention without trial, I express my total agreement with the quotation above.
2. “Finally, allow me to take this opportunity to advise those who continue to make public utterances that hurt and cause more pain to the victims and their families. It is an irresponsible attitude and betrays a lack of sensitivity to the plight and suffering of the victims. Moreover, it has the potential to undermine our efforts at national reconciliation. ”
Babu Soli, with due respect, I wish to draw your attention to the above quote. Thank you.
Bax,
Respect our quest for justice first. We have been denied justice since 1981, 38 years!!!
Do you think, Bax, we are playing with that suffering when our parents, loved ones were massacred by the Senegalese?
We have NO regards for what’s going on at the TRRC unless the 1981 aftermath is tabled for investigation.
Don’t play with our sensitivities about our sufferings and Bax please cease minimising our sufferings.
We are just adamant. Forget advising us about the plights of the bogus TRRC witnesses while all along you don’t care about ours. We are not seeking any advice from anybody. We want people to assemble behind us to address the 1981 gruesome genocide.
Go and ask Jammeh why he didn’t probe the 1981 genocide– 22 years long. And gnocide against who and by who? I assume you understand the Definition of genocide!
Jammeh even deny kukoi’s returns to Gambia, the rebel leader, now babu soli jammeh make no effort to create commissions of enquiry about 1981. Don’t try to discredit TRRC, without TRRC fact might be hard to comes out. I guess you are wasting your SI by saying this.
the Senegalese army has not massacred anyone, it has only done its duty as it did in 2018. Senegal will no longer accept disorder or instability in The Gambia. Our national security depends on it
@Fatim Faal:
“Senegal will no longer accept disorder or instability in The Gambia. Our national security depends on it.”
My dear sister, why do you think Senegal has the responsibility and the capability to no longer accept “disorder” and “instability” in The Gambia?
Bax, your point 1 and 2 are baseless and this why:
– Indefinite detention is simply the result of the incompetence of the justice to file adequate charges against the junglers. Remember that there is even a police warrant out there for the junglers with corresponding charges.
– The president and the justice ministers provide the cannon fodder for people like Fatou jahumpa Ceesay, yankuba touray and lesser extent Babu soli to pour scorn on the whole TRRC proceedings/ goals and molest the victims. The release of the 3 junglers goes a long way to confirm their assertions that nothing will come out of the TRRC proceedings.
So as so often, am baffled by your attitude to the Gambian plight. You refuse to out-rightly condemn Jammeh’s excesses without reservation. On the contrary, you are fire and fury when it comes to UDP issues or non-issues about the UDP Party. This was jammeh instituted bias and excuse for many of his excesses. The notion that he was fighting against an ethnic insurgency spearheaded by UDP party. And some of you including Hon. Sallah seems to harbour some understanding for this specific Jammeh attitude and argument even to the detriment of people who have no connection to the hated party /people like Deyda Hydara. Apparently they are collateral damages!
Kinteh (Kemo),
Firstly, the points (1&2) are not mine but mere quotes from the minister, which I expressed agreement with, and I gave my reason for it.
Secondly, I don’t know about providing cannon fodder for people, but what I do know is that indefinite detention without trial, no matter what the excuses or justifications, are not in line with the rule of law. We disagreed with it under Jammeh and we should disagree with it now.
Thirdly, the issue of a police warrant or the filing of charges against suspects is no guarantee that a successful prosecution will be secured, and in the absence of confessions of Junglers before the TRRC, how could a conviction be secured against suspected killers.
For example, look at the most seemingly obvious case of the NIA 9 and the difficulty of the state to successfully secure a conviction. If the state is struggling to secure a conviction in what seems to be a straight forward case, how certain are you that the Junglers, whose crimes are mostly “hearsay” until the confessions, can be successfully prosecuted?
You may accuse the Justice Ministry of incompetence, but what you mustn’t forget is that they are dealing with suspected crimes committed by a covert organisation (NIA) and a unit of a state run security agency (Junglers) that covered their tracks and had time to destroy evidence.
Fourthly, I will take it that you have not followed my many exchanges with Babu Soli, hence your erroneous claim that I have refused to out-rightly condemn Jammeh excesses. For your information, I have no reservations to condemn Yaya Jammeh and I have done so numerous times.
Fifth, I’m not sure if my positions on the UDP can be fairly described as “fire and fury”, but you are right, I have no reservations when it comes to the blunders, cluelessness, non-issues and “dirty” politics of the UDP. I have raised issues about the UDP which you can respond to if you think you have the answers. Here’s one: what is the official position of the UDP on President Barrow’s Term of office? Is it THREE years or FIVE years?
Sixth, it is rather too cheap to try to link Jammeh’s reign of terror to an ethnic bias. We all know that Jammeh’s brutally was directed at any he perceived as his enemies, regardless of ethnicity and the ethnic diversity of the long list of his victims proves this beyond doubt. Obviously, Jammeh did seem to have an ethnic bias towards some ethnicities because he claims, erroneously, that these were marginalised during Jawara’s era, but when that is scrutinised closely, we discover that it is only towards selected persons (who are favoured) because of their loyalties to him; not entire ethnicities per se. I have had several exchanges about this on Kaironews with Max, who holds an opposite view to mine.
Seventh (and last), I cannot speak for Hon. Halifa Sallah (his records speaks for him) but if you are claiming that Jammeh was fighting the UDP because he has this notion of that party spearheading an ethnic insurgency against him, then I will ask you TWO questions:
1. Did this particular ethnic group have any supporters in Jammeh’s camp, ( and if your answer is “Yes”);
2. Did he consider those as part of the insurgency and how did he deal with them?
Kinteh(kemo),
We are no longer asking Jammeh to do that. He’s no longer representing us. Jammeh just buried the hatchet. But if the present administration intended to unearth the truth, they ought to begin with the first ever flagrant abuse of our people’s rights, the gross genocide of our people at the aftermath of the 1981 rebellion.
What definition of GENOCIDE can you teach me? Come on!!!
Do you want to deny the right to investigate the 1981 genocide? Or are you deliberately trying to downplay the sufferings of our people at the 1981 rebellion? Perhaps you were not affected. The usual Gambia laissez faire attitude at matters that don’t(didn’t) affect them. If you are not concerned, be quiet!
We’ll make sure the 1981 gruesome massacre is validated and that the present ill-conceived TRRC is given a better role; that of addressing the wanton massacre of our innocent people in the hands of the banditry, mercenary Senegalese invading forces in 1981. Nothing can stop that crusade.
Babu Soli, no one is denying that terrible things happened both during the THREE days of lawlessness and, may be, THREE to FOUR years of it’s aftermath. The problem I have with you is basically two:
1. Who bears the responsibility for the deaths and destruction of properties during the THREE days of lawlessness? You blame Jawara, because he decided to reclaim what was rightfully his, and I blame Kukoi (rest in peace) for the reckless way they armed everyone who turned up for a gun, even hardened criminals.
2. Your claim of a two year campaign of genocide against NCP supporters perpetrated by Senegalese Forces. I don’t agree with you on that.
Even Jawara (and his government) knew that atrocities and illegal detentions had happened under his watch, even if he didn’t give the orders directly to torture and dehumanize detainees, with some dying in detention or soon after release or suffering life changing injuries. That is why the Indemnity Act of 1982 was enacted and passed; so Jammeh copied Jawara when he too, enacted and passed the Indemnity Act of 2002.
But Kinteh (Kemo) is right: Jammeh had 22 years to look into that incident, but did nothing. Is he hiding something? Is he afraid thay something might be unearthed? There were rumours making the rounds that a certain Yaya Jammeh was an informant to Kukoi and an MFDC operative in The Gambia. Could it be your man?
Babu soli is an old man living in a very old days. I being following his comments but all his arguments reflect on old days and this poor government don’t even have the resources to attained all of the crimes happens in the past 35 years ago, this government can only deal the most recent, ie jammeh era.
“…To the victims and their families, in particular, I know that this may be extremely difficult for you as I am asking you to swallow a bitter pill.But I assure you, like I have done on many previous occasions, that the decision to release these three men is also in your long term interests. I have consistently acted in your best interests and there is no reason to doubt my continued commitment to your cause…”
# In other words, Justice Minister is implying that, these junglers will be used as prosecution witnesses to nail the kanilai Evildom murderer subsequently; it’s quite painful for Gambians & the subregional community as a whole in the material time but I just hope & pray that the justice minister & the government are onto to something overall meaningful in all of this; as someone, somehow must have to pay eventually for the cold blood murders & other heinous crimes committed under the kanilai Murderous Evildom…
The justice minister must set some preconditions among others & make sure these junglers stay within the jurisdiction of the Gambia…
God bless Gambia to enable us move forward together in these difficult times; Ameen…
don’t give People false hopes. The justice has no Tools at his disposable to guarantee that these junglers will stay in the Country until a court case happens and their destiny decided. So any promise to that effect is meaningless. Maybe the current Justice would’nt be here in 2 years. So a promise not anchored on law is no guarantee for the victims that the brutal demise of their sons and daughters will be accounted for.
Kinteh (Kemo), you are right. The minister has no tools to prevent absconding, if the released Junglers decide to run, but they will not do so, if they have any brain cells in their heads. They would be better advised to stay, see the process of the TRR to the end and either enjoy their amnesty or accept their punishment.
International sympathy is with The Gambia right now and any attempts by these people to run and seek asylum abroad will be futile. They will most likely be apprehended and sent back or, if they evade arrest, continue to live as internationally wanted fugitives for the rest of their lives: a living that no sane person in their position would want.
That line argument is quite faulty. Former interior minister Ousman Sonko was released by the Swiss authorities for lack of cooperation from Gambian authorities. Now he is a freeman roaming the streets of Spain.
If the goodwill you are convinced of is a reality, why hasn’t the Spanish authorities apprehend the mass murder and send him back to Gambia?
Apropos international Goodwill! Where are the Singhateh brothers ( Edward/Peter) wanted in Gambia to testify at TRRC?
Barrow has overplayed the goodwill and there is none anymore. Focus is now on going after Jammeh & co through an international jurisdiction. Reason is Gambia is divided over the Jammeh legacy. Unfortunately, barrow is swayed to the part of the country who believed Jammeh was right to kill and maim fellow Gambians because these fellow Gambians are either UDP or tribalist elements like Lt. Basiru Barrow who endangered the territorial integrity of The Gambia. That is the sorry state we are in today.
But justice will be served as sure as there will be daybreak tomorrow.
Just as the predominantly mandinka settlements closed ranks at the 2016 presidential election to deny Jammeh the winning votes.
Ousman Sonko was under custody for a long time, but without evidence, he has to be released. We need to prove, with iron clad evidence, that he was a mass murderer and once we do that, I have no doubt that the Spanish authorities would act. You claim government has not been cooperative but that is probably due to their inability to find iron clad evidence. This again shows the difficulty of dealing with cases of this nature, where covert operations were undertaken by state institutions and operatives who had more than enough time, to cover their tracks and even destroy evidence.
Surely, you don’t believe your claim about who’s swaying Barrow or their take on the killings under Jammeh.
You are beginning to worry me a little bit, as your assertions seem to centre around Mandinkas only.
Bax, I’ve learnt something new from your mention of an indemnity act 1982 which I must’ve missed, for I’ve followed up those events as inquisitive as being a student in high school at the time; a Google search for acquaintance on the act could only lead me just on to “April 2000 Our Statements Indemnity Act of 1982 and 2001 by Madi Jobarteh – 10/04/2016”; is there a way to finding the actual document of the 1982 for perusal?
Bajaw, I hope someone can help us locate that particular Act, but there was indeed an Indemnity Act in 1982. I think the text of that act is the same as the 2001 Indemnity Act, as stated by Madi.
@ Bax,
Jammeh is Self confessed mandinka hater and his resentment/antipathy to this ethnic group was an open secret. Unfortunately, for the wider populace and the mandinkas in particular, this resentment was not openly manifested in the beginning and through jammeh‘s divide and rule tactics , many people remained indifferent to his antics and the evidences of persecutions being waged against them- until the solo Sandeng incident and Jammeh‘s talinding Speech in which, for the first time, he directly linked his resentment and his policies for the extinction of the mandinkas from The Gambia.
You may dismiss that as nothing more than Jammeh antics but as the testimonies at TRRC unfold, you will recognize that the Agenda was meant even if unrealistic.
The intent was there and evidenced by utterances and actions. The composition of the Junglers points to such intent & preparations.
– those he have mandinka supporters? Yes Which is a good thing because political allegiances should be on policies and not on ethnic leanings.
– what he did with them? Manipulated them and misused their trust like many Gambian people. He killed more of them than any other ethnic group in the country and hatched plans to decimate them.
We can confidently say thanks to the nature of Solo Sandeng killing and the brave stand of Darboe & co ( in demanding openly Solo‘s body dead or alive), saved the country and the mandinkas in particular from an impending ethnic cleansing.
@ Bax,
Jammeh is Self confessed mandinka hater and his resentment/antipathy to this ethnic group was an open secret. Unfortunately, for the wider populace and the mandinkas in particular, this resentment was not openly manifested in the beginning and through jammeh‘s divide and rule tactics , many people remained indifferent to his antics and the evidences of persecutions being waged against them- until the solo Sandeng incident and Jammeh‘s talinding Speech in which, for the first time, he directly linked his resentment and his policies for the extinction of the mandinkas from The Gambia.
You may dismiss that as nothing more than Jammeh antics but as the testimonies at TRRC unfold, you will recognize that the Agenda was meant even if unrealistic.
The intent was there and evidenced by utterances and actions. The composition of the Junglers points to such intent & preparations.
– those he have mandinka supporters? Yes Which is a good thing because political allegiances should be on policies and not on ethnic leanings.
– what he did with them? Manipulated them and misused their trust like many Gambian people. He killed more of them than any other ethnic group in the country and hatched plans to decimate them.
We can confidently say thanks to the nature of Solo Sandeng killing and the brave stand of Darboe & co ( in demanding openly Solo‘s body dead or alive), saved the country and the mandinkas in particular from an impending ethnic cleansing.
Quote @Kinteh (Kemo):”- what he did with them? Manipulated them and misused their trust like many Gambian people.”
Observation: Can’t you see how glaringly obvious the answer is? Manipulation and misuse was not reserved for Mandinkas only under Yaya Jammeh. In fact, I can say that ethnicity does not come into play where manipulation and misuse is concerned for Yaya Jammeh: only thing that mattered was ensuring his survival and preserving his big ego.
Mandinkas may be the most affected by killings (I don’t have that statistics) but I don’t think the ethnicity of his victims mattered to him. It was all about dealing with his “enemies” (those who posed a threat to his rule), real or imagined.
Let me make it categorically clear, least someone thinks so, that I am NOT justifying Jammeh’s actions against the Mandinkas or any other victims for that matter. I am only challenging Kinteh’s (Kemo) claim that Jammeh hated Mandinkas and hatched a plan to decimate them.
Kinteh (Kemo), Jammeh’s Tallinding outburst was real and should not be dismissed as mere antics. No threats from a person in authority should be simply dismissed. But we must also not play into the hands of any person in authority by falling for their scare tactics. Did Jammeh threaten to wipe out Mandinkas? Yes. Was he capable of doing it? Yes. Did he possess the guts to do it? No. Why?
Because Yaya Jammeh was neither mad, nor was he possessed by a demon, to cold bloodedly massacre an entire population of more than two hundred thousand individuals (men, women and children) in this day and age.
You cannot be serious to believe that he hatched a plan to decimate Mandinkas, which he was going to carry out but for Solo Sandeng (Rest in peace) and Ousainou Darboe (a claim that is utterly baseless and not supported by evidence).
Ousainou Darboe was incapacitated, placed where Jammeh wanted him and has absolute control over him would probably have been history by now (sad but possibly the truth). The UDP would also have been reduced to a complete shadow of itself by now, if the political situation had remained the same after the 2016 election.Coalition 2016 and its realistic strategy that earned the opposition victory was what averted that possibility. Of course, Solo’s death and Ousainou’s incarceration galvanised the key players and the nation towards a united opposition against Jammeh and turned international focus towards The Gambia.
Moreover, evidence contradicts the claims that Jammeh hated Mandinkas as a whole, because APRC Mandinka supporting communities and individuals across the country, like other APRC supporting communities and individuals, have benefitted endlessly from Jammeh’s largesse for many, many years.
What is clear, as a noon day light, is that Jammeh has viewed the UDP as a Mandinka Party (rightly or wrongly) from the day it emerged onto the political scene and to me (I may be wrong), whenever he said “Mandinkas this, Mandinkas that” (sometimes he even qualified it as bad Mandinkas), he was only referring to those supporting the UDP. Some of his strongest supporters and allies to the very end were Mandinkas. Isn’t current APRC interim leader, Fabakary Tombong Jatta, a Mandinka?
Very apologetic explanation of jammeh‘s intent. It is always the same argument that i hear from people who do not want to condemn Jammeh when it concerns UDP and those supporting the party.
„He was only referring to people supporting UDP“ as if UDP as an entity poses an existential threat to the territorial integrity of The Gambia.
While Jammeh was saying that, he had ensured that the whole govt apparatus especially the security services were manned ( key positions) by people close Foni and are of Jola origin.
While Jammeh was claiming to fight mandinka fraternity within a state, he was busy consolidating a jola hegemony in country.
While Jammeh was touting about oneness of the country and UDP marginalization, Jammeh degreed and ensured that only APRC operates in Foni.
Again, it is simplicity and understanding for Jammehs attitude towards the UDP and by extension those mandinkas who disagreed with him, that bewilders me on the part of many political party leaders who ethnically are not mandinkas.
On this particular resentment, it seems half of Gambia shares this bias and it seems to me that a reciprocal bias and resentment has infiltrated our body politics which is going to be a hard work to overcome.
Bax,
It’s very late here. I’ll get back to you at daybreak.
The Indemnity Act was a bogus showcase to fool the international community (for aid) while Sheriff M. Dibba and most of the NCP top brass were unlawfully being held and tortured in detention.
We’ll talk at daybreak. Goodnight.
We may agree or disagree with this decision, that’s ok, but lets look at the bright side.
The silver lining here is that the Justice Minister took the time to explain to the general public his decision. 3 years ago that will never happen. It will be the decision of ONLY one man without consultation or consideration of the public sentiment. Overall this means we are at least considerate if not respectful of the WILL of our people. One step forward.
“…don’t give People false hopes…Maybe the current Justice would’nt be here in 2 years. So a promise not anchored on law is no guarantee…”
Kemo, the preconditions suggestion are to based by legal anchorage on law in the circumstances; thereby there’s continuation in process on the set(s) of conditions with whosoever are in government or might be the justice minister at the particular time until justice (which is the goal) is served for the victims…
Overall, justice for the deserved victims & the country as a nation community, shall be the cause & commitment of all, both in government &/ otherwise at any given times…
Bax,
After the errands, I’m back home to talk to you.
Tell us, what did the Indemnity Act achieve and who did it benefit.
From some indications, I learnt that the Jawara Loyalist forces were compensated D5,000-D10,000 according to rank and degree of involvement in quelling the rebellion and over one millon dollars to the Senegalese government.
Who else benefitted from the Act, morally or materially, can only be clarified by Bax. I’m looking forward to receiving that clarification.
However, all that may result futile to us. We are no longer into much arguments and explanations.
We are saying that the TRRC is hypocritical, a money squandering source, a conflicted and corrupted syndicate of dishonest and disqualified personnel.
It should be given a more vital role; that of investigating the 1981 genocide of our innocent citizens. And that will be addressed by us and our barristers.
Babu, the Indemnity benefitted all who were covered by the Act, including Gambian and Senegalese officials. I don’t know how much was given as compensation, and I don’t think justice was done to those who put their lives on the line to defend the administration. I am a personal victim, as a brother of mine, who was a constable living at old barracks in Banjul, suffered life changing injuries that he still has to live with. I don’t know if he received any compensation (as nothing seemed to have changed in his financial situation) but he received a national award (medal) from President Jawara and he still proudly display the picture of that decoration ceremony in his living room.
But the point about the Indemnity Act of 1982 was not to vindicate Jawara and his government, but to show that even he recognised the wrongs that were committed under his watch in 1981, so he saw the need to indemnify those likely to be held to account.
Babu, you keep saying, “We, We”, of late. Have you got a clandestine group working to achieve your goals?
Kinteh(Kemo),
You are either a tribalist or just intentionally turning blind eyes to the truth.
The most outrageous and dehumanizing challenges, criticisms, insults and defamations to President Jammeh, his government, his tribe and his family emanated from the Mandinkas, the only tribe that believes the Gambia belongs to them.
From Jawara, to BB Darboe, Saihou Sabally, Lt. Barrow to an outburst of diasporan Mandinka personalities and tabloids, there never existed such a disparaging and senseless opposition on ethnic grounds.
Jammeh worked, assisted, handed cash benefits, scholarships abroad and at home; pilgrimages, government positions etc, etc….to thousands of Gambians irrespective of TRIBE, age, sex, region, religion or political affiliation.
Speak the truth and stop talking like those who boast:
NTOL MANDINKOLU!!!!
All those gifts does not hide the intent of the man! If, as Bax narrates above, mandinkas are the biggest beneficiaries of Jammeh and he enjoying large sympathy among this ethnic group, why going to talingding and making those existential threats? It fits into the grand plan. All mandinkas must support me otherwise they are bad people and must be fought unapologetically. That is a mantra of a resentful and a deeply resentful mentality. It is also a mentality that Jammeh has succeeded in indoctrinating into the mindset of the jola community.
Kinteh (Kemo)..
1. I didn’t say Mandinkas were the biggest beneficiaries. You claimed that they were the most killed, and I said that may be the case, but I doubt if ethnicity of victims mattered to Jammeh.
2. I stated that evidence has shown that APRC Mandinka supporting communities and individuals, like other APRC supporting communities and individuals, benefited from Jammeh’s largesse repeatedly. I never identified who the biggest beneficiaries were.
3. Jammeh did surround himself mostly with people from Foni, who appeared to be Jolas, but how is that an expression of hatred against the Mandinkas alone or even an expression of hatred at all? What about the other ethnic groups found in the army who were not close to Jammeh? Don’t they matter to you? Isn’t it true that the criteria for him was dependent on trust and loyalty, rather than ethnicity and place of origin? I know for a fact that late Almamo Manneh used to ride in the back of the same vehicle with Jammeh at one point, before they fell out. He was neither a Jola, nor from Foni, as far as I know.
4. What is a Jola hegemony? Can you explain what this is and what its characteristics were?
5. Foni was a no go area, not only for the UDP, but all other opposition parties. Again, what has that got to do with a hatred for Mandinkas?
6. I am surprised that you would even question my understanding of Jammeh’s mindset in relation to how he views his opponents. Of course, Jammeh views all who oppose him as bad and enemies of the country, regardless of their ethnicity. For him, Fabakary Tombong Jatta, a Mandinka by all indications, is a good citizen, whereas Single Nyassi, a Jola and Foninka (probably related to him) is a bad citizen. What other proof do you still need?
7. Jammeh’s Tallingding outburst was real, but it had to be given context and I don’t think you are willing to do that. You want to take it for what it was, and you’re entitled to that approach. Let’s see what other statements from Jammeh you want to take at face value:
1. Jammeh claimed to have access to Allah’s Central Bank. He did implement a lot of projects. Do you believe that he had access to Allah’s Central Bank and those funds came from there?
2. Jammeh claimed to possess cure for a number of ailments, including HIV/AIDS. We have seen Dr Mbow, a Western trained medical doctor vouching for Jammeh. Do you believe him (Jammeh)?
3. Jammeh claimed he will teach the West lessons they will never forget if they ever dared to interfere with his rule? Do you believe he has the capability to do that?
4. Jammeh claimed that he will rule for a billion years. Do you believe him? ( I can go on) The issue here is that Jammeh, though a proven killer, did not have the guts to kill all Mandinkas. He had the opportunity, during the calabash protests, when Ousainou Darboe and co were being prosecuted, to carry out his threats, if he had the guts to kill enmass.
8. Finally, in the poisonous relationship of animosity towards each other between the APRC and UDP, the latter (UDP) cannot pretend to be holier than thou. Jammeh’s attitude towards the UDP was wrong, but so too was UDP’s attitude towards Jammeh’s person. Remember their campaign slogan in 1996: “Toni Daaba, jaaw Cassamance?”
Another great day for Gambia.
The ugly and disgusting face of Yahya Jammeh is now removed from our currency. Another giant step forward.
Kinteh (Kemo),
It is sad that you cannot prove your Jammeh-Mandinka Hatred argument beyond reasonable doubt.
What worries me more is that a man of such high educational calibre would want to justify a decadent case of tribalism without evidence.
Personally, I rest my case here, because I come from a very small, peace-loving and silent tribe, Manswanko, that abhors all forms of tribal segregation.
Bax,
The group is not clandestine nor masterminded by Babu Soli.
It is a product of years of brainstorming meetings among a few Gambians who are sincerely inclined on knowing what really happened before, during and after the 1981 Kukoi Samba Sanyang rebellion.
1. The group wants to know who Kukoi was, who instigated his insurrection, his financial sources
2. The planning sites, the composition of his council
3. Day 1 of the rebellion, casualties, where killed, by who
4. Day 2. Jawara’s arrival in Senegal, the role BB Darboe played in securing his return
5. Day 3. The on going fighting between the rebels and loyalist forces. The increasing number of casualties, robberies, burglaries
6. Day 4 Documents signed between Ex-Presidents Diouf and Jawara. Content(s) of those documents
7. Senegalese military intervention, its ramifications
8. Kukoi’s fleeing with some of his council members
9. Mass arrests of opposition leaders/supporters, tortures, rapes, sexual harrassments by the Senegalese forces, stealing looting by the Senegalese forces, killings
10. Extrajudicial sentences
11. Stealing and squandering of international donor funds and materials
12. Many more points for further investigation.
Babu is not a front bench member.
However, I have promised to support the cause, morally and financially
Babu Soli, all the questions you wish to be answered are indeed, in our National Interest, but I think the task of finding those answers should be delegated to historians. Perhaps, the UTG could develop an academic project designed to answer those questions for its history students.
I think a group that you support, which may already have formulated a preconceived version of what happened, would do a very bad job, because you certainly has do doubts about what happened and who to blame.
Babu Soli, I wish every success. If the project is successfully concluded, a great education and awareness would be achieved not to talk of the documented Archive for prosperity.
But one thing is clear, since the makeup of this so-called dedicated group of citizens is shrouded in secrecy and mystery-a la Jammeh’s Modus operandi – nothing Substantive May come out of it.
The 1981 coup de‘etat was like the 1994 coup an illegal takeover of govt. 1981 was crushed thereby causing casualties.. There was no premeditated killings on the part of loyalists soldiers. The alternative to crushing the illegal takeover was to leave the country’s fate in the hand of kukoi. A reality Gambians have now experienced with Jammeh.
I think the romanticism about Foningkas, widespread in the country, is definitively over.
Using the disgruntled elements from Foni to settle internal scores is definitively over. Lessons have being learnt – albeit at a great cost.
Kukoi attempted it and failed. We now know what it would have meant to undergo a kukoi presidency/ mansaya.